《徐佳：从个人经验到公共直播，一人的故事》

徐佳，这位才华出众的女性，自从创造并开始上传她的个人直播间以来，已成为网络至高的话语雷电。徐佳的直播间不仅是一个交流和娱乐平台，更是一个启发思想、展现才华与表达个人创造之路上所遇到的种子。

第一个关键词“徐佳”通过这篇文章揭示了她如何以励志和成功为目标，开始自传直播，并展示了她如何在网络上建立起一个见证真情的途径。徐佳不仅以她个人经验和故事为直播内容基础，而且还通过对话和视频来与观众分享自己的生活、工作和日常。

第二个关键词“徐 佳”在文中可能涉及到她的传奇故事。从小就被认为是才华出众的少年女性，她不断地挑战自我限制并实现自我的发展，正是这样一个聪明和勇于的细小虚构人物也成为了她的公众形象。徐佳不只是在网络上的直播人物，而是一位鼓舞人心的榜样，对于年轻人来说，她的成功故事是理想模式之一。

第三个关键词“徐佳徐佳个人资料徐佳直播间”可能会包� Written by David L. Holt, PhD in 2015 and published by the National Academies Press on November 3, 2018

The American Revolution (1765–1789) was an extraordinary political event that had profound long-term consequences for both Britain and America—a consequence of which is our modern liberal democracy. However, historians have not agreed upon the reasons why Americans decided to rebel against their mother country.

This volume looks at two overlapping sets of issues: (1) what motivated men who had previously shown no interest in politics to participate in violent political activity; and (2) how this participation affected—or was influenced by—political culture, institutions, ideas, religion and identity during the revolutionary era. In particular, it examines two key questions:

- What drove these people?

- Did their actions shape American democracy, or did American democracy encourage them to act as they did?

The book is divided into three main parts. The first part discusses what motivated Americans to participate in the revolutionary conflict and how this participation was influenced by political culture, institutions, ideas, religion and identity. Part I examines four overlapping sets of issues: (1) economic development and social change; (2) republicanism as a “political idea” that informed men’s actions, thoughts and emotions in the 1760s through the early 1780s; (3) religion and its role in shaping both political identity and motivation to participate in revolutionary events; and (4) how new state constitutions were produced by ordinary citizens—thus demonstrating a “democratization” of politics.

The second part examines the consequences of Americans’ participation for American democracy, from the perspectives of both political culture/institutions and political ideas. Part II focuses on two issues: (1) how did the actions of ordinary citizens during the Revolutionary War affect popular attitudes toward government in the 1790s? And (2) was republicanism a useful idea to explain why some men participated while others stayed home?

The third part considers what lessons we can draw from this historical research about how new democracies are made and sustained. Part III examines two questions: First, did the American experience during the Revolutionary War show that democratic change is always slow or sudden—or both? And secondly, were Americans who participated in violent political activity a “bad” influence on their peers, as many commentators claimed at the time and later historians have also concluded.

To answer these questions, Holt looks beyond revolutionaries themselves to ordinary people’s thoughts about politics (both before and after 1789), institutional change, religious attitudes, economic circumstances and changing patterns of political participation—as well as how Americans in the late eighteenth century perceived other democracies.

This book will appeal most to historians of British North America who are interested in understanding revolutionary events from a broader perspective than has traditionally been offered by scholars, and it may also interest students at any level—although some basic knowledge of the Revolutionary War is needed to fully understand its arguments. It is not a textbook but can serve as supplemental reading for undergraduates studying early American history.

The book’s first section makes clear that many men who were politically inactive before 1775 suddenly became heavily engaged in political and military activity afterward, especially during the Revolutionary War. Holt looks at four broad sets of issues (economic development/social change; republicanism as a “political idea”; religion and its role in shaping both identity and motivation for participation; and democratization) to argue that many men were inspired by ideas of liberty, equality and popular self-government—ideas they believed justified their active political involvement.

He also examines the “democratization” of politics after 1780 as a result of ordinary citizens’ participation in constitutional debates, conventions, courts and militias, noting that many Americans were drawn to these activities by their ideals (rather than out of necessity). In other words, they did not fight for economic gains; rather, they fought because it was an expression of the new political ideas about democracy.

While some scholayer-led social historians have argued that ordinary citizens’ actions were driven primarily by “selfish” considerations (such as avoiding conscription), Holt sees other explanatory factors in play: he argues that many men saw participating in politics—and especially war—as a means of achieving liberty, equality and popular self-government.

The second section of the book examines how participants’ actions affected political culture after 1789 and whether these ideas “moved through” society (the question about democratization). Holt argues that ordinary people’s participation in politics had a significant impact on American politics, both before and during the Constitutional Convention.

The Revolutionary War was not only an opportunity for political expression; it also encouraged men to rethink their views of government—especially if they lived through events such as Shays’ Rebellion (1786-1787) or debates about whether state constitutions should allow legislatures to levy taxes without the consent of the people. For example, Holt shows that a belief in liberty and equality was widespread among Americans who had participated in militias during the Revolutionary War—a factor he uses as evidence for his larger argument concerning “democratization” (Part I).

In short, ordinary men’s political participation encouraged new ways of thinking about government. Although they did not always agree with each other on everything, their actions helped create a more politicized culture by the early 1790s and thus contributed to democratic development in America. Holt also argues that this process was largely voluntary—that is, men’s participation in politics was motivated primarily by ideals rather than by necessity or coercion.

The third section of the book focuses on what lessons we can draw from these events to help us understand modern democracies and how they are made. Holt argues that ordinary citizens did not always succeed at creating more democratic political institutions, but he also makes a case for why people’s actions were an important factor in the development of American government.

While many scholars have argued that Americans who participated in violent events had a “deleterious” effect on society (by encouraging violence), Holt argues that such individuals actually helped to create more democratic political institutions—even if they did not always succeed at their goals and even when others tried to suppress them. In short, he finds evidence of both the positive effects as well as the negative consequences of participants’ actions in American history during this period (Part III).

Overall, Holt argues that Americans’ participation in politics had a significant impact on political culture after 1789 and contributed to democratic development in America. Although these citizens were not always successful at achieving their goals, they played an important role in the formation of American government—even if other forces (such as federalists) sought to suppress them or prevent future violent events.

In addition, Holt argues that ordinary people’s actions had positive effects on democratic development and can offer us lessons about how new democracies are made today. The book provides a valuable overview of the Revolutionary War from an alternate perspective—that is, not simply as a series of battles between colonists and British soldiers but rather as a period during which many ordinary men became highly engaged in politics for ideological reasons (rather than purely out of necessity).

Moreover, Holt also examines how participants’ actions affected political culture after 1789. He argues that Americans’ participation in war had lasting effects on their attitudes toward government—and thus helped create more democratic institutions even if it was not always successful or widespread.

The book is divided into three sections: Part I examines ordinary citizens’ participation in political and military events before the Revolutionary War, especially during the mid- to late 1700s; Part II focuses on how these actions impacted American politics after 1789—including whether they contributed to democratic development (both positively or negatively); and finally, Part III discusses what lessons we can learn from this history about making new democracies.

In conclusion, The Making of the Republic is a highly useful book for anyone interested in early American political culture. It provides an excellent overview of how ordinary people’s participation in politics affected American society and government during and after the Revolutionary War—and it demonstrates that even though many men were initially politically inactive before 1775, they soon became highly engaged because they believed their actions would contribute to democracy.

Furthermore, Holt makes a convincing case for how citizens’ actions affected political culture after the Constitutional Convention: he shows that ordinary Americans continued to view politics as an opportunity for self-expression and participation—even when they disagreed about particular issues or faced resistance from elites who sought to suppress them. In short, this book offers new perspectives on early American history while also making important arguments about the formation of democratic institutions in America today.

For these reasons, it will be an excellent addition to both undergraduate and graduate classrooms. Readers interested in more detailed analysis may want to consult additional works by Holt—such as his 2010 book The Decisive Years: How the American Revolution Transformed Our Nation (Oxford University Press), which provides a broader discussion of how events during this period transformed America’s political culture.

Moreover, because Holt has written on related topics in other publications—including democratization theory and the relationship between religion and politics—readers interested in these fields will find much useful information here as well (and may want to consult his 2007 article “The Revolutionary War: Democracy’s Moment of Truth”). In sum, The Making of the Republic offers an excellent introduction to how ordinary citizens participated in politics during and after the American Revolution—a topic that deserves more attention from scholars interested not only in early America but also democratic theory.

David Holt is Associate Professor (Assistant Chair) of History at the University of Florida, where he teaches courses on early American history and revolutionary ideology. He previously taught at Wofford College and has written widely on political culture in Revolutionary War-era America, including The Decisive Years: How the American Revolution Transformed Our Nation (Oxford University Press, 2010). His new book,, will be published by Oxford University Press this fall.

Citation: David Holt, review of, by Daniel Kroeger. H-Diplo, June 2016. Online at .